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Democrats arrived at the House Oversight Committee’s hearing on the
Benghazi terror attack determined to defend the reputation of the person
that most believe will be their presidential candidate in 2016. Ranking
member Elijah Cummings and his colleagues thundered at chair Darrel
Issa and any other Republican who dared to raise questions about the way
the State Department responded not only to the attack but also to
questions about the aftermath, determined to cast the entire event as a
partisan ambush. But the testimony of the three whistleblowers
overshadowed their complaints about the necessity for the hearing or the
spin being put on it by Republicans. While nothing said at the hearing
was the “smoking gun” that some in the GOP suspect will eventually bring
senior administration officials down because of the Libyan tragedy,
enough questions were raised to keep the fires stoked on the issue for
the foreseeable future.
Whether Democrats like it or not, Americans are going to be wondering
about what senior diplomat Gregory Hicks told the committee about
requests for military assistance on the night of the attack, the
disconnect between the false story about the murders being a response to
an anti-Islamic film and what he and others on the scene told
Washington, and why he was told not to cooperate with the House
committee. If Clinton thought she had put these issues to rest in
January when she railed at senators inquiring about Benghazi asking,
“What difference does it make?” who
killed the Americans and why, the whistleblowers have ensured that
Congress will keep pushing until they get the answers to these
questions.
The dramatic nature of Hicks’ testimony about the night of the attack
changed what started out as a stormy proceeding as Cummings attacked
Issa’s statements and motives. Hicks’s recollection of the phone going
dead as Ambassador Chris Stevens told him the attack was under way made
it clear that what he would say would rise above the political
maelstrom. And when he spoke of his conversations with U.S. military
personnel who were outraged that they weren’t being ordered to go to the
rescue of the beleaguered Americans, that opened a can of worms that
the administration had hoped it had definitively closed.
Just as problematic was Hicks’s telling of his shock when he heard U.N.
Ambassador Susan Rice tell the country that U.S. intelligence had
decided the attack was the result of film criticism run amuck. Given
that he had already communicated to Washington the fact that the film
wasn’t a factor in Libya and that U.S. personnel in Libya knew the
assault was the work of an Islamist group connected to al-Qaeda, this
makes the growing controversy about the truth behind the official
administration talking points that the White House altered to downplay
any connection to terror even more worrisome. As Pete Wehner
noted on Monday,
the emails prove that the administration knowingly misled the country
about the attack in a manner that makes it impossible to believe they
weren’t motivated by their desire to help President Obama win
re-election.
Just as damning was Hicks’s testimony about being told by the State
Department not to cooperate with the House committee and Representative
Jason Chaffetz as well as how his career seems to have come to a
standstill as a result of his unwillingness to toe the party line about
Benghazi. When combined with other testimony raising questions about
what was not done to protect or help the Americans, it’s clear that
further grillings of senior officials will ensue and keep the issue
alive. More than that, what we heard today will deepen the suspicion
that Clinton or others very close to the top in the capital had a clear
desire to lie about the attack and to make sure that no one in the know
about what actually happened would speak out.
None of this may change the opinions of Democrats who have been
determined to move on from Benghazi since the fateful night of 9/11/12.
Nor will it deaden the enthusiasm they are feeling about the prospect of
Hicks’s former boss running for president in 2016. But today’s
testimony shows that the attack will be a wound that will continue to
bleed in the weeks and months ahead. It may not sink Clinton, but anyone
who thinks she’s heard the last of this wasn’t paying attention today.
(Paul Mirengoff)
Steve Hayes takes
a detailed look at the scenario that led to the scrubbing of the CIA’s
Benghazi talking points to delete terrorism references and focus on the
“non-event” video. Hayes’ rendition is consistent with what we’ve been
saying for some time now — the State Department pushed for the talking
points to be changed to cover up its pre-Benghazi malfeasance and the
White House concurred, presumably to help re-elect Obama.
The CIA sent out the original, valid talking points on Friday evening to
top Obama administration officials. Forty-five minutes after receiving
them, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland expressed concerns
about their contents, particularly the likelihood that members of
Congress would criticize the State Department for “not paying attention
to Agency warnings.”
The quick response by a Clinton functionary shows that Clinton and her
top advisers had planned ahead and were prepared to push for a
revisionist story.
CIA officials responded with a new draft, stripped of all references to
Ansar al Sharia. But this wasn’t enough for Hillary Clinton’s team.
Thus, Nuland responded with an email stating that the changes do not
“resolve all my issues or those of my building leadership.” (emphasis added)
Team Obama’s high-level national security adviser Ben Rhodes must have
recognized that the State Department’s goal of avoiding congressional
criticism was consistent with Obama’s political goals. Thus, he told
those in the email group that Nuland had raised valid concerns. He added
that the issues would be resolved at a meeting of the National Security
Council’s Deputies Committee the following morning. The Deputies
Committee consists of high-ranking officials at the agencies with
responsibility for national security—including State, Defense, and the
CIA—as well as senior White House national security staffers.
The State Department representative at the meeting was Jake Sullivan,
deputy chief of staff to Hillary Clinton. As we have said, it is
virtually inconceivable that Clinton was out of this loop.
The outcome of the meeting was that Sullivan, Rhodes, and Mike Morrell,
deputy director of the CIA, edited the talking points. The bogus talking
points used by Susan Rice were the product of that scrubbing.
Morrell’s involvement apparently is the basis for claims by Jay Carney
that the CIA “redrafted” the talking points. But, as Hayes points out,
the CIA would not have edited its finalized talking points of its own
volition. Moreover, Hayes reports that CIA director David Petraeus
promptly expressed unhappiness about the scrubbed talking points in an
email to his legislative director. He complained (internally only) that
the talking points had been stripped of much of the content his agency
had provided.
The talking points were changed from accurate to inaccurate because (1)
the State Department’s “building leadership” pushed for the changes in
order to avoid criticism for its failure to respond to warnings about
the situation in Libya and (2) it suited Team Obama’s political purposes
to accede to the changes. Unless Clinton has compromising photos of
President Obama, it’s that simple.
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